The recent electoral processes in Latin America (Chile, Uruguay and Colombia) have shown that the Populists-chavistas manoeuvres to consolidate and extend their influence in the region have failed. Alternation (Chile) and continuism (Uruguay and Colombia) have characterized these elections. The conclusion is that the institutional system of these countries has been fortified. The result is that the processes of institutional consolidation characterize a part of the Latin American region. Consequently, the Populist project seems to have been relegated to five great countries (Venezuela, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Bolivia and Cuba). This tendency has motivated the Venezuelan government, as the main exponent of the populist model, to try to extend its horizons, having established a complex framework of external relations with political regimes with which it does not share characteristics in form but in thinking.
The discourse of class struggle that has been attributed to the revolutionary Venezuelan process is an insufficient sample to be able to understand the political identities and alteration arisen during this evolution. Considering the orientation of the left-wing presented by the regime, this work analyzes the speech of the "popular power" of the so called Bolivarian Revolution, putting emphasis on the new logics and dynamics of integration and social and political exclusion that have been generated during the governments of Hugo Chávez, as much in the symbolic level as on the material level. This revolutionary speech of the popular power has been employed, beyond any socialist ideological paradigm, to support the building of social differentiation patterns between the people, which have created a worrying state of political and social intolerance. This context has been reinforced by the restrictions produced by state-citizen relationship where the intermediation through political clientelism and populism gives privileges principally to those persons loyal to the project of revolution.
This paper analyzes the formation of the (neo)-populist process under the aegis of the Kirchner government in Argentine, paying special attention to the discourse produced in the last seven years. This movement is a sort of contemporary expression of the mass populism that had Juan Domingo Peron as the major figure. From this perspective, the (neo)-populism in Argentina represents a deployment of the concept of pluralistic and popular democracy in the sense that the general will exercised and expressed in the elections is interpreted by the government in a peculiar way. This (neo)-populism involves programmatic actions of pressure and alienation of intitutions, concentration of power in the hands of a leader and the application of the conspiracy theory both through the rethoric of false dilemmas and the demagogic rethoric, both used concurrently to carry out government policies and actions.
The phenomenon of populism is expanding, not only in Latin America but also around the rest of the world. The uncertainties generated by the globalization of the labor market in developed countries, including the market economy of nations until recently dependent on totalitarian regimes (as in Eastern Europe); the wave of democratic regimes in Latin America emerged in the last twenty years and they failed to respond satisfactorily to the challenges of developing their societies; the liberal reforms introduced in the economies of sub-developed countries over the past decades, in the light of the "Washington Consensus" (reforms which, although reduced inflation in general, does not have the expected results of the field of productivity) still suffocated by nationalism and traditions of familiarity in the management of public affairs; the democratization sui generis (with a strong presence of traditional and charismatic leadership), in countries of the Islamic World (Syria, Libya, Iran); the entry of African nations in the postcolonial period (during the second half of last century) in the way of regularization of democratic life (in a way still strongly marked by tribalism), the deceleration of the U.S. economy and the brakes that this phenomenon is producing in other economies, particularly on the American continent; these are some of the variables that have contributed to the rise of populism, which may be considered as a kind of disease that affects the democracies in a time of crisis. Such wide phenomena deserve to be studied in detail. This text will not focus on the characterization of Populism in its various manifestations throughout the twentieth century. The focus will be on the phenomenon of the neo-populism that normally occurs in society today. It is, therefore, a current phenomenon that is limited to the last two decades of the previous century and it includes, of course, the first years of the 21st century. I intend in this article, to develop two aspects: I) the concept of neo-populism II) how this phenomenon affects the democratic life of South America, today and in the near future.
Originally published in 1882, in the collection of short-stories Papéis Avulsos, A Sereníssima República has as central theme the description of the political corruption, especially in the electoral context. The story also discusses how an ideal model (e.g. democracy), even if just, can be distorted in different ways, when subjected to practice. Also, the narrative shows all possible tricks of acquisition and retention of power. On the use of different textual resources: it is a tale, with the typical structure of this genre, which tells of a conference of Cônego Vargas that disseminates the scientific discovery about the world of spiders, with all the philosophical and scientific rigor inherent in this type of discourse. At this moment the text acquires the characteristics of a fable. With a distinctive wit and irony, the writer develops a critical reflection about the popular consultation and the consequent irregular political manipulation of this process. On the basis of Machado de Assis‟ story this paper will enlarge the discussion, noting how his story can provide a critical and interpretative key to the interpretation of direct democracy in contemporary Latin America.
In this paper, we aim to analyze Memórias de Aldenham House, written by Antonio Callado. In this novel, the author develops historical questions involving the imperialist policies practiced in England. By considering the typical narrative techniques used in detective story telling, Callado builds a sort of gender parody and illustrates the true crime behind the official report, thus leading the reader to have a critical perspective on reality. Antonio Callado emphasizes the representation of the symbolical violence resulting from truculent practices held by Latin American dictators after the World War II. The novel is, then, perceived as a post-traumatic memory writing of Latin American history.
This article aims to examine one of the most complex questions that has marked the history and development of the modern societies – the interlacement between the notions of Enslaved Inequality and Black Difference. The reflection is supported by a theoretical framework elaborated on the basis of the possible usage of the semiotic approach to discuss three fundamental concepts of the Social and Human Sciences – Equality, Inequality and Difference. The question that moves the discussion presented is the interaction of the ideas of Enslaved Inequality, Black Difference and Africanity in the process of constructing the Colonial Slavery System in Brazil in the centuries that precedes the Republican period.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the transition of the indigenous colonial debate towards an actual national one, beginning after Brazil‟s independence in 1822, when Indians‟ rights and duties were being redefined in concordance with the new social and political order. The emphasis will be on the reaction of the new regime to the Indians of the Itaguaí village, who, after the promulgation of the Constitution in 1822, were considered as citizens, and thereafter enrolled as recruits in two troops of the National Guard. For reasons that seem strange from a legal point of view, they were deprived of the right to legally own the land they had received during the Colonial period.
In this article our purpose is to establish a dialogue between Mariátegui and „cultural studies‟, taking into account variants of the field in Europe, US and Latin America. In the first place, we analyze some topics of Mariategui's work, like race, tradition and literature in Perú, that may be considered nodal themes in 'cultural studies' tradition. Secondly, we explore his approach to cultural issues starting from an overall view of his career (trade-union, political and intellectual) and in connection with his interpretation of Marxism. Our hypothesis is that the analysis of Mariategui's reflections will give us new conceptual and methodological tools to consider a number of issues that are currently present on the agenda of 'Latin American cultural studies', but it will also allow us to introduce new arguments in the debate on institutionalization and de-politicization of the field.
Editor: Latin American Centre at the University of Aarhus
Dirección: Institute for Language, Literature and Culture
The Faculty of Humanities
University of Aarhus
Jens Chr. Skous Vej 5, building 1461, office 218
DK-8000 Århus C
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